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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Today, his RSF militia hold sway over nearly half of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a significant victory by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his determination and his vow to dismantle the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that spans Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a business network, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jebel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, including in gold.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and reportedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

With the capture of el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may become a political puppet master, commanding a vast network of interests.

And as Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.